Posts Tagged 'Northern Ireland'

Your Country Needs You: Why Northern Ireland Needs a Think-Tank Dedicated to Small Government

Image of Northern Ireland in the UK

Northern Ireland is in the Red. Image via Wikipedia

Last year the Treasury published a consultation document seeking ideas as to how Northern Ireland’s economy should be rebalanced.

The document pulled no punches in defining the endemic problems of Northern Ireland’s economy and its massive over-dependence on the British public purse. It stopped short at pointing fingers at some of the underlying causes of this dependency culture – such as a stunted Party-political system and successive British governments that preferred to throw money at a problem rather than deal with the systemic disease. The troubles were part of the reason for the creation of a Potemkin economy – but not the whole reason.

However, the document at least details, in its ghastliness, just how sick our economy really is:

  • Productivity remains low, with productivity per filled job being 85.3 per cent of the UK average, lower than all other regions other than Wales
  • Low productivity is largely due to under-representation of high productivity sectors in Northern Ireland
  • Levels of venture capital funding are lower in Northern Ireland than in all other UK regions – and the few VC firms that are ‘active’ are largely dependent on state funding
  • Over the past five years business expenditure on R&D in Northern Ireland has averaged 0.69 per cent of GVA compared to 1.23 per cent for the UK as a whole. In addition, business expenditure on R&D in Northern Ireland is heavily focused on a small number of companies, with just 10 companies accounting for some 57 per cent of all business R&D investment in 2009.
  • Over 30 per cent of all Northern Ireland jobs are in the public sector compared to a UK average of around 21 per cent
  • Northern Ireland’s economic inactivity rate remains high at 28.4 per cent compared to the UK average of 23.3 per cent, and is the highest rate in all of the 12 UK regions.

The long and short of all of this is that Northern Ireland’s fiscal deficit is vast: equating to over £5,000 per person – which is some three times larger than the UK average.

And nothing, substantial, seems to be being done to address this. Yes, the consultation resulted in lots of submissions, but radical action needs to be taken to address the endemic problem.

In terms of addressing the problem the Executive at Stormont is not fit for purpose – nor are the Departments responsible for economic development. The political parties all define their effectiveness based on how much cash they can wrestle from the Treasury – thereby perpetuating the economics of hand-out.  And there are no strong lobby groups arguing the case for the following:

  • Active reduction of the size of the State’s involvement in the economy
  • Intolerance for absurd State-funded hand-outs to people and groups who don’t deserve them
  • Reduction in ludicrous and crippling local taxes – especially taxes on business and commerce
  • Accountability of political Parties based on hard, tangible economic related outcomes

So I’m proposing creating such a Think-Tank, Lobby Group – whatever you think it should be called.

If you would like to get involved in this initiative please contact me by completing the little form below. I’d be keen to hear from you if you’d like to join a steering committee, write some blog posts, undertake some research or just lend your support.

Why the Labour Party and Jim Murphy are hypocrites on the Union

English: Floral Badges of the United Kingdom o...

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Yesterday Jim Murphy, Shadow Defence Secretary, made clear that the Labour Party would be leading the charge to defend the Union in Scotland. However, he may have missed that the fact that Union he is defending is the Union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Labour conveniently ignores the fact that the Labour Party does not defend the Union here.

It is constitutionally offensive for a Party that aspires to govern the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to systemically refuse to seek a mandate in a part of it (i.e. the Northern Ireland bit). Moreover Labour’s sister party here – the SDLP – only appeals to Nationalists (and almost exclusively Catholics). It’s a Party whose elected representative cannot even bring themselves to refer to Northern Ireland as Northern Ireland. Instead they refer to “The North”, or “the region”.

The SDLP also takes diametrically opposite positions to Labour on local issues. For example it opposed the last Labour government’s positions on a host of issues (like uncapped domestic rates for Northern Ireland). It certainly is not the manifestation of the British Labour Party in Northern Ireland. Indeed most SDLP voters would be Conservative voters if they lived in Great Britain.

The Labour Party’s position is to deny left of centre pro-Union voters in Northern Ireland any opportunity to support the Party or vote for it. And yet it supports the Hillsborough Agreement which maintains the status quo of continuance of the Union with Britain so long as the majority so wish. In short, therefore, Labour’s position in terms of organisation and seeking a mandate is pro Irish Nationalist (as its sister Party is pro Irish Nationalist). That is the reason why the Party’s Unionist position for Scotland is fundamentally hypocritical – and why Jim Murphy needs to get his act together.

Friends’ School LipDub

So here it is…the global video phenomenon from Northern Ireland’s finest school (according to the Sunday Times, don’t take my word for it).

I’ll let you guess which of the stars is my daughter.

Over 1,000 kids, staff and supporters were involved in the making of this and it shows the wonderful sense of community at a wonderful Grammar School.

(I should make a disclaimer that I also attended the school – although rather a long time ago).

Lord Feldman Commits to Cutting Ties with UUP

Lord Feldman’s recent statement, written for the Belfast Telegraph, is to be welcomed. It makes clear the Conservative Party’s intention to do what it should have done decades ago – namely to seek a mandate to govern, and to organise, in every part of the UK. The statement is especially welcome as it includes sections that I wrote myself, on behalf of the Party, several years ago – before the ill-fated UCUNF debacle.

I wish the new Northern Irish Conservatives every success. At last we may start to see the normalisation of our politics.

It’s now Up to the Tories…

Is this how the new Party logo might look?

After a few weeks thinking time, the UUP leader, Tom Elliott, has responded to Conservative Chairman Lord Feldman’s letter – the one that suggested the the UUP should wind-up and go home.

As expected, Elliott has dismissed Feldman’s suggestions - rather than the UUP Party executive.

So, it’s now over to the Conservatives to do something.  And that something, it would appear, would be to establish a new Northern Irish flavoured right-of-centre political party with formal ties to the Conservative Party in London but with local leadership and electoral ambitions.

As I’ve said in the past I would wish this new organisation success.  But I would hope that – from launch – the organisation sets out a secular, non-sectarian stall, free from the baggage of the past. The new Party needs to define itself very quickly as something fresh, different, cross-community and attractive.  It will need a confident and articulate voice and it will need to be well organised and well-funded – two qualities the local Conservatives never really achieved.

I’ll be watching 2012 developments with interest.

Conservatives Call for Winding-Up of UUP – Exclusive

Conservative Party Logo

The Conservative Party Chairman has written to the UUP recommending the winding-up of the UUP next year.

I was today forwarded a letter that has been sent to all members of the Conservative Party in Northern Ireland.  The letter suggests that the Conservative Party chairman, Lord Feldman of Elstree, has addressed a letter to the Ulster Unionist leader, Tom Elliott, outlining an offer to “move Conservatism forward in Northern Ireland.”

The letter to local Conservative Party members continues, “This offer will involve the dissolution of the UUP early next year and the formation of a new Conservative led party, under the constitution of the national Conservative party, which will operate along the lines of the parties in Scotland and Wales.

“This offer is being made with the express approval of the Prime Minister, the Board of the Conservative Party, as well as the Chairman of the Northern Ireland Conservative Party, Irwin Armstrong.

“It proposes a Northern Ireland Conservative party which can reach out to everyone in Northern Ireland, irrespective of background and tradition, unencumbered by the conflict and divisions which mark our past.”

If this move truly means the winding-up of the Ulster Unionist Party – then this is a move to be welcomed.  However, I look forward to hearing the response from the UUP leadership.

The move almost certainly means that a large cohort of UUP members has broken ranks with the UUP leadership and now wants to do business with the Conservative Party – while building a new local, non-sectarian identity.  That, also, is to be welcomed.

Read coverage inspired by this post…

Dale & Co

Slugger O’Toole

BBC Northern Ireland

The Past Isn’t The Future

Results in Northern Ireland from three UK Gene...

Image via Wikipedia

The following article was written for the Belfast Telegraph.  Not sure if it was published.  

Northern Ireland doesn’t have much of a commercial sector.  But one of its biggest industries must surely be ‘the past’.  No people in the developed world talks quite so much about former glories, and former shame.

On the glory front we used to have a great footballer who became one of the game’s most famous womanisers and alcoholics.  We named an airport after him.  We used to build big ships, and the ugly cranes that built them have become symbols of our industrial legacy.  On the shame front we mounted a public enquiry into the killings of innocent people in Derry in the earliest days of our civil unrest – and the enquiry made millionaires of many lawyers and took twelve years to reach a conclusion.

Where, just about everywhere else, the natural tendency is to move on and learn from experience there is a tendency, here, to create vast public obelisks dedicated to the past.  Per capita, we must have one of the most complex sets of quangos it is possible to have in a democracy.  The so-called cuts have yet to make any material dent in our tendency towards over-engineering our civil society with the pedants of quango-land.

There is a place for institutions to look at the past.  Indeed, the entire legal system has been created to seek resolution to events that took place in the recent or not so recent past.  But public enquiries are something else again – and quite why they are demanded so much is a mystery to me.  If the purpose of a judicial process is to reach a quick and just solution, public enquiries must be one of the worst means of achieving such an objective.

The Conservative Party published figures that suggest that the Bloody Sunday Inquiry cost everyone in the UK £6.64.  The total cost of £400 million would have paid for a year’s salary for more than 15,000 nurses, nearly 5,000 doctors and 11,000 policemen, or 13 extra Apache helicopters for British forces in Iraq and Afghanistan.  And I’d suspect that is a key reason why Owen Paterson and David Cameron have been so reluctant to agree to a public inquiry relating to the Pat Finucane murder.  Is the sledge-hammer to be justified just because this is Northern Ireland and this is how we tend to crack nuts?  No.

But there’s another point to be made.  The entire “peace process” industry should not be our biggest industry.  It tends to stifle everything else.  This is not to detract from the grief of families that were made to suffer in Northern Ireland’s troubles.  But at some point we have to move on as a Society – and as a Society we have to say “enough is enough”.

Unfortunately many of our politicians don’t agree.  Sinn Fein’s tendency to add layer upon layer of complexity to our institutions of “post conflict resolution” is designed to ensure that we never arrive at a position where we’re post-conflict.  Instead, it would appear, we have to reside in the perpetual motion machine of recriminations and blame.  And the Unionist parties’ tendency towards tit-for-tat response to every Shinner demand oils the cogs of the never-ending vitriol machine.  It must cause us to question whether they, collectively, have our best interests at heart.

Unfortunately our political class reflects back at us at every opportunity the shame of our past and its ability to keep tugging us back to the same old, nasty conversations that are, ultimately, divisive and damaging.

There is another way and it’s a way that is being taken by most people who live and work here and try to retain the correct perspective on life and living.  Because most in our society choose to shut themselves off from the peace processing discourse.  Most get on with their jobs and their life isolated from the never-land conversations that never reach a resolution.

As a people most of us yearn for a political class to emerge that reflects our real, innate need for empathy with our real, everyday situations.  And that would require political understanding that has very little to do with the past and everything to do with the present.

The Incredible Shrinking Northern Ireland Electorate

Polling station sign, London. UK general elect...

Image via Wikipedia

The following article was published in today’s Belfast Telegraph print edition…

In the 2010 General Election just over half of our electorate here in Northern Ireland (57.6%) bothered to vote.  This was the lowest turnout for all of the UK regions and the lowest turnout for a Westminster election since the records for such things began back in 1945.  One could argue that part of the reason for this low turnout was the restoration of devolution.  Voters here, some might argue, are less likely to vote in Westminster elections because the Assembly is responsible for more “bread and butter” issues – to lapse into the jargon of the typical MLA.  However, that’s not the case either…because in the Assembly elections turnout was even worse.  Turnout, in some constituencies, fell to well under 50% – in constituencies such as North Down and East Antrim.

Since the elections nothing has been done to address this problem.  Our politicians are behaving like nothing is wrong – that we still have a proper political discourse and that party politics can go as before.  But they can’t.  In fact there is a vast yawning gulf between party politics and the body politic.

Northern Ireland’s system of participative democracy has been pulled asunder because of a series of perfect storm forces that have been acting upon it.  One force is the underlying desire for a proper secular basis to our politics – outside the seriously tedious debates about “culture” or “identity”.  Another force is the disgust at the grubby grabathon that modern politics has become – with apparatchik political advisors, dodgy deals and shady goings-on.  But the most profound force, resulting in the disengagement of the electorate, is the sheer creepiness of the political class – one that seems incapable of understanding how bizarre local party politics seems to most of us.

The remoteness of the political class becomes more obvious when one looks at how each of the parties behaves.  The DUP chose to entirely ignore the fact that the public perception of it – and its leading dramatis personae – careered to rock bottom because of the patronising tone it adopted in the midst of the various Robinson debacles.  Rather than learning any lessons from the general election result – that saw its party leader lose his Westminster seat to Alliance – the party merely re-grouped and re-secured its East Belfast seat at the Assembly elections (although turnout in Belfast East slumped from 60% in 2007 to 53.6% in 2011).  In short – the DUP appears to have no interest in re-securing the disengaged and disenfranchised.  It merely wants to maximise its vote in the runt of the electorate that bothers to turn out.

Similarly Sinn Fein has chosen to ignore the public disgust at the appointment of Mary McCardle as a special advisor to the “Culture” Minister.  The UUP has chosen to ignore the fact that its public perception – since its appointment of Tom Elliott as Leader – is that it has no real relevance (if it ever had) to any voters East of the Bann.  The SDLP, witters on constantly about regional politics, Ireland this and that, a pan-Irish discourse etc., thereby totally losing us all in its esoteric, navel-gazing rants.

The result of all of this is the incredible, shrinking, Northern Ireland electorate.

In short, it appears that the political system that created vast turnouts in the past is no longer fit for purpose for a present, and future, that requires a different type of politics.  Big turnouts of the past were the stuff of sectarian headcounts.  Indeed, even in the most recent assembly elections the largest turnouts were in rural constituencies where the tribal drums could be beaten the loudest.  Fermanagh & South Tyrone had a turnout of around 69% versus around 46% in leafy, middle class North Down.

Northern Ireland, it would appear, needs a version of the Arab Spring to clear out what has come before.  The entire basis of our party politics is completely wrong for a series of political debates that affects us all.  Like hapless Apprentice contestants, the local political parties set out their stalls in the wrong locations with the wrong merchandise – and hardly anyone bothers to turn up or buy.

Are ‘Celtic Fringe’ Conservatives About to Declare UDI?

DAVOS/SWITZERLAND, 29JAN10 - David Cameron, Le...

Is David Cameron prepared to see the creation of 'sister parties' in the devolved regions? Image via Wikipedia

The BBC is, today, running an article that suggests that the frontrunner to lead the Scottish Conservatives wants the Scottish Party to distance itself from the Party in London.  In effect, Murdo Fraser wants the Scottish Conservatives to be more, um, Scottish.  There is an inherent logic to this as Westminster is, increasingly, the parliament of England – and more powers are being devolved to the regional parliaments.  Fraser’s ambition, apparently, is to create a Scottish right-of-centre party in Scotland, freed of London-centric coalition baggage.

I gather that similar moves are afoot to create a Northern Ireland centre-right party out of the ruins of the near-dead Ulster Unionist Party and the Conservatives in Northern Ireland.  Rumour has it that several prominent Ulster Unionists are planning to defect to the Conservatives in the next couple of weeks.  And, in an act of meeting them halfway, the Conservative leadership here wants to create a new NI-focused centre-right, and non-sectarian brand – much more distant from the London Party.

To an extent this seems logical.  Some in the UUP genuinely want to distance themselves from the sectarian baggage the party brings to electorate – but don’t want to join a Conservative Party that has no, local, electoral prospects.  Many local Conservatives have also come to the realisation that in the context of devolution there has to be an element of Realpolitik at the core of their single-nation idealism.

If the result is that a genuine non-sectarian, centre-right party is created here, I’m all for it.  I’d just have concerns that the new party – whatever it’s called, will have the necessary leadership charisma to make it an electoral success.

Who will “Do an SNP” in Northern Ireland?

Northern Ireland First Minister Peter Robinson...

Robinson needs to start cleansing his party of flat-earth nutters if he is to "do an SNP" Image via Wikipedia

I’m remarkably up-beat this morning. I have cast aside my normal grumpiness.  While the Northern Ireland election count has been a spectacular mess – the fact that we still have hordes of minor civil servants counting little slips of paper days after the vote is stupefying – the emerging result is good.

Let me explain.

There are a few interesting developments.  Let’s skip over all the constitutional garbage. All the parties are now Little Ulster parties. Even I am beginning to give up on any romantic notions I ever had that Northern Ireland could be ‘integrated’ and treated like, erm, Finchley.

That would be depressing but for a few developments. The first is that the UUP is pretty much dead. The Alliance Party is now a more important party and a vast swathe of middle-class voters is defecting from the UUP to Alliance. Alliance has become the middle class Unionist party (that doesn’t call itself Unionist and whose voter base is not exclusively Protestant). And it’s even beginning to behave a bit more like a sensible, thinking Party. David Forde was the only leader to face-up to the water charges issue and fess-up that he could countenance them (somebody has to pay for the investment needed).  Oh and it had by far the best election broadcast – all CGI – and Naomi Long’s narration was excellent.

Meanwhile, Peter Robinson made clear in the hustings that he wanted the ‘whole community’ to vote DUP. He was at pains to make clear that the constitutional issues were a done deal and that we needed to move on to more bread-and-butter (AKA secular) issues. Well said.  Pity though about all the new-earth creationist nutters in his Party and the fact that the majority of candidates are well-known bigots.

When I showed up at the polling station to cast my own vote (for Alliance by the way, reluctantly, given that Trevor Lunn was my only AP Assembly candidate) I was greeted by the usual horde of DUP leafleters and hangers-on – all of whom, I’m pretty sure, played flutes.

But all things considered things are looking better. The UUP is on the verge of being eradicated from the ballot paper (one less sectarian party to worry about). As I type there is a real prospect that Connal McDevitt may not be elected (one less hectoring know-all from the South to look at on television).  The Alliance Party has more popular support (meaning it will be forced to decide what it stands for in terms of real policy issues rather than merely be ‘nice’).  And the DUP needs to start thinking about how it cleanses itself of the rotten core of sectarianism at its heart in order to “do an SNP” and win an overall majority at Stormont.

Tantalisingly, there is a real prospect that the DUP – if it can, genuinely, cleanse itself of its sectarian baggage, might start eating into more of a cross-community voter base.  There is a prospect that we may see the emergence of two leading parties here in Northern Ireland that will vie for electoral dominance. I predict (and I appreciate that prediction is a mug’s game) that those two parties will be the DUP and Alliance.  Their challenge is to secure as large a swathe of the Sinn Fein vote as possible. Only Alliance and the DUP could achieve what the SNP has achieved in Scotland – because only they are unashamedly Northern Ireland grounded parties.

If either Party has such grand ambitions both need to start focusing on Sinn Fein’s achille’s heel: it’s crazy, confused, ultra-left-wing policies.

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Musings on things political and secular…

This is my site where I share my world views for anyone who might be remotely interested. Visit only if you think the content is interesting. Oh and comment is free. So go right ahead and agree or disagree. But, please, be kind and polite (especially to me).
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